In 1516 Burhan (1508-1553), the Ahmadnagar king, allowed the Portuguese to build a factory at Ceul and to have freer access than before to the harbour. In 1521 Ceul was burnt by the Bijapur fleet, and, in spite of a Portuguese defeat off the mouth of the river the Ahmadnagar king remained friendly to them allowing them, or according to another account pressing them to build a fort at Lower Ceul, one of his chief objects being to secure a supply of horses. [Faria in Kerr, VI-191.] In spite of the treachery of Shaikh Muhammad, the Musalman governor of Ceul and the opposition of Malik Eiaz of Diu, who lay off the river for three weeks and harassed the builders, the fort was finished in 1524[Da Cunha’s Chaul, 35, 37.]. In 1528 the Gujarat fleet, aided by some Turkish ships, attacked Ceul, but were scattered by a joint Portuguese and Ahmadnagar squadron. Next year (1529) hostili-ties were renewed and Ceul was plundered by a party of Gujarat troops.[Bird’s Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 237.] This campaign closed unfortunately for the Portuguese. Burhan Nizam of Ahmadnagar was defeated by Bahadur Shah (1526-1536) the Gujrat king. He was forced to acknowledge Gujarat supremacy, and by the gift of a scarlet umbrella of royalty became Bahadur’s closeally. [Scott’s Deccan, I. 370.] Under Gujarat influence the Ahmadnagar king seems to have picked a quarrel with the Portu-guese and done them much harm. [In 1530 the Portuguese suffered a repulse at Cheul. Briggs’ Fer’shta, III. 531.] On Bahadur’s death in 1535 the frendship between Ahmadnagar and the Portuguese was renew-ed, and in 1538 Ceul was a great and illustrious city, the emporium of the largest part of the east [Bom Joao de Castro Primeiro Roterio, 50. The following is a summary of De Castro’s account of the Cheul river. It is a great river made noble by the deeds of Dom Lourenco, and well provided with food, four leagues from Danda Rajpuri and fifty-seven from Goa. Within the bar to the south of the river is a great and beautiful hill which, from outside, appears to be an island. To the north of the hill are two sand banks one of which runs straight to the bar and the other meets the river. To the south of the hill is a long 1ow tongue of sand, which is the reason why the rock has been thought to be an island. From the place where this tongue ends]. In 1545 its people distinguished themselves by their zeal in supplying funds for the relief of Diu then hard pressed by a great Gujarat army. [Diu was twice besieged, in 1538 (September-November) by a strong fleet of Turks, and in 1545 (March-November) by a great Gujarat army. The defence in both cases was conducted with the most distinguished bravery and resource. See Kerr’s Voyages, VI. 268, 400. The ladies of Cheul offered to send their earrings, necklaces, bracelets and other jewellery. There are jewels in Cheul, wrote one lady, enough to carry on the war for ten years. Da Cunha’s Chaul, 43, 44.] Till 15.S7 peace continued unbroken. Then the Portuguese, on the accession of Husain Nizam Shah (1553-1565) of Ahmadnagar, sent to propose the cession of Korle, the isolated high ridge that lies across the mouth of the river. To this Husain would not agree, and. to pre-vent any attempt of the Portuguese to seize the hill, he sent some of his best officers with orders to build a strong fort at Korle.[One of the officers was Chulabi Rumi Khan, a distinguished soldier from Asia Minor who had served in Europe and was the maker of the great Bijapur bronze gun. Briggs’ Ferishta, III. 239-248. Compare Waring’s Marathas 47.] The Portuguese did their best to prevent this. The Goa fleet came to their help. And, after some fighting, the dispute was settled by an agreement that the point should remain unfortified. In 1570:[At his time in the Gujarat accounts (Bird’s Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 129) Cheul, or Chaiwal, is entered as one of the ports of the Europeans which yielded revenue to Gujarat. This revenue was not tribute; it was perhaps some cess levied on Gujarat ships trading with Cheul.] Ahmadnagar and Bijapur combined against the Portuguese, and, in 1571 (16th February), the Ahmadnagar king, with an enormous force and very strong and well served artillery, laid siege to Portuguese Ceul. [According to Portuguese writers Murtuza had 34,000 horse, 100,000 foot, 30,000 pioneers, and 4,000 artisans some of them Europeans. He had 300 elephants and 40 pieces of artillery of enormous size able to throw stone balls of 100, 200, and 300 pounds weight (Kerr, VI. 430-432). On the march some of these guns could be taken in pieces. Their shooting is described as wonderfully accurate. [Caesar Frederick, (1583), Hakluyt II. 345]. The Portuguese had nicknames for each of the big guns, the Cruel, the Devourer, the Butcher. Kerr’s Voyages, VI. 432; Da Cunha’s Chaul, 49.] For such an attack the Portuguese were badly prepared. The town was defended by a single wall, a fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men [Da Cunha’s Chaul, 48.]. Acting with Murtuza’s land force the fleet of the Zamorin of Kalikat blockaded the river mouth. But the Kalikat fleet was soon dispersed, and the Portuguese received such strong reinforcements of rises a high rugged hill which to the north falls abruptly and throws out a narrow point, in which, at the foot of a great green tree, is a well of water. Inside of the hill, the land along the river is low untill it meets a very long point behind which the river disappears. The other or north bank of the river is one beautiful shore. Facing the hill, a spit of sand runs into the river and from it the shores stretch in different directions. The sea or outer shore runs to the north-west, but that which goes inside the river takes a turn to the east. The Portuguese fortress stands on the spit of sand. A little to the east the shore begins to bend and the river forms a great bay on the north of which is the city of Cheul. The bar of the river has one sandbank. At low tide there are standing pools on it, and at high tide the depth is 2½ fathoms. The channel is wide. It runs from south-east to north-west and on both sides are great banks where the sea continually breaks. These sandbanks run north-east and south-east to north and south. The larger one is in the channel. The other which comes from the side of the hill and enters by the river is small. About a gunshot from the point of sand at the foot of the hill, where the shores turn in different directions, banks stretch in two long arms. One runs straight to the point of the hill which is over the bar and the other along the coast men and ammunition, that they were able to break the force of the siege, by holding some of the outlying fortified buildings, among which are mentioned the Franciscan monastery, the Church of the Dominicans, and the Misericordia. The Francis-can monastery was the first to be attacked and after standing a five days’ bombardment the garrison was safely withdrawn. For a month the siege was closely pressed, the walls were breached in many places, and the garrison reduced to defend themselves in separate houses. Still they were reinforced from time to time, and kept tip so lively a defence, that for five months the siege made little progress. At last, on the 29th of June, a general assault was ordered. Many of the outworks were taken, but they were recovered and, after lighting till evening, the enemy had to retire with the loss of 3,000 men. As both sides were anxious for peace, a treaty was made and the Ahmadnagar king withdrew. [According to Ferishta the Ahmadnagar king had to raise the siege owing to the treachery of his officers who were bribed especially by presents of wine (Briggs, III. 254). According to Faria-y-Souza the Moors feared a woman who went before the Portuguese in the fight, so bright that she blinded them. Many went to see her image in the church in Cheul and were converted and stayed there. Da Cunha’s Chaul,54.]
After the siege (1577) the Portuguese repaired their defences and raised fortifications along the southern shore. At this time the prosperity of the city was at its highest. Of all places on the coast Ceul had the greatest nu
mber of ships from the Red Sea and Ormuz as well as coasting traders. [Fitch in Harris, II. 207.] In 1583 the Dutch traveller Jean Hugues de Linschot described ‘Chaul’ as a fortified city with a good harbour and famous for trade. It was well known to the merchants of Camhay, Sind, Bengal, Ormuz, Maskat and the shores of the Red Sea. The merchants were rich and powerful owning a great number of ships. Rice, peas and other pulses butter, oil. and cocoanuts were plentiful, also ginger but of a kind little esteemed. There were also some but not many cotton fabrics. Many Gujaratis and Cambav Banias had settled in Ceul. They dealt in rice, cotton and indigo, especially in precious stones in which they were very skilful. In arithmetic the Banias surpassed all Indians and even the Portuguese. Near Ceul was a city inhabited from ancient times by the people of the country, which had a great manufacture of silks. The raw silk was brought from China and worked into robes. Beds, chairs, and cabinet were also made in this city in admirable style and a covering given them with lac of all colours. The air was good, the climate cool and the most healthy in the whole of India [Navigation, 17, 20-21, 73.]. About 1586, the Venetian traveller. Caesar Frederick [Caesar Frederick was in India for over twenty years, from about 1563 to 1585. He was in Cambay twelve years after the conquest of Gujarat by Akbar (1573) and, came from Gujarat to Cheul. Hakluyt’s Voyages, II, 344,], noticed the two cities of Ceul, the Portuguese city at the mouth of the harbour very strongly walled, and the Moor city a mile and a half up the river. Both were sea ports with great trade. The imports were, from the Indian coast, coconuts [Frederick (Hakluyt’s Voyages, II. 344-345) enlarges on the coco palm the most useful tree in the world. Of its timber they built houses and ships, and of its branches bedsteads, its nuts yielded from the outer rind oakum, from the inner shell spoons, and from the kernel wine, sugar and oil, its bark yielded cord, and its leaves sails and mats. There was a great number of cocoa-palms in the country between Cheul and Goa, and from Kochin and Kananor there came to Cheul every year fifteen large ships laden with cured nuts and sugar.], spices, and drugs;. and from Portugal, Mekka, and China, sandals, raw and manufactured silk, velvet, scarlet cloth, and porcelain. The exports were to other parts of India, Malacca, Macao in China, Ormuz, East Africa, and Portugal, iron, borax, assafoetida, corn, indigo, opium, silk of all kinds, and an infinite quantity of cotton goods, white, painted, and printed. Of local industries there was the weaving of great quantities of silk cloth, and the manufacture of paltry glass beads which were sent in large numbers to Africa. [Kerr’s Voyages, VI 153, 206, 474. About the same time (November 1584 Cheul was visited by Ralph Fitch, John Newbury, William Leeds the jeweller, and James Story the painter, the first English merchants who came to India. Fitch’s account is much the same as Frederick’s. He speaks of a great trade in all kinds of spices, drugs, silk raw and manufactured, sandals, ivory, much China work, and a great deal of cocoanut sugar. (Hakluyt, II. 382). Besides the Portuguese traffic there was a large Musalman trade with Mekka bringing many European goods and sending away opium, indigo and other articles (Ditto, 384-398). The trade is horses, though not noticed by these travellers, was still important. Do Coute’s XIII. 165.
There would seem to have been a strong Jain and Gujarat Wani element among the merchants of Cheul as Fitch describes the Gentiles as having a very strange order among them. They worshipped the cow and greatly esteemed the dung and the cow to paint the walls of their houses. They killed nothing, not so much as louse, for they deemed it a sin to kill anything. They ate no flesh, but lived upto roots, rice, and milk. When the husband died the widow was burned with him she was alive; if she refused to burn her head was shaven and there was never as account made of her after. They say, if they should be buried, it were a great sin for, of their bodies, there would come many worms and other vermin, and when their bodies were consumed those worms would lack sustenance which were a sin, therefore they will be burned. In Cambay, he adds, they will kill nothing, nor have anything killed; in the town they have hospitals to keep lame dogs and cats and for birds. They will give meat to the ants. Fitch in Hakluyt’s Voyages, II. 384. ]
In 1592 (A. H. 1000)[Some Portuguese authorities give 1594, Da Cunha’s Chaul, 42; Faria-y-Souza gives 591. Kerr, VI. 474.] Burhan Nizam II (1590-1594) of Ahmadnagar, who seems to have had some dispute with the Portuguese Viceroy, sent a force to Ceul and ordered a fort to be built at Korle [Briggs’ Ferishta, III. 284.]. When the fort was finished his troops began to annoy the Portuguese, battering the walls of the Portuguese fort from across the river. At the same time the country to the north of Portuguese Ceul was invested, and, in spite of brilliant sallies, the Ahmadnagar guns made great breaches in the Ceul walls. But, as before, the garrison received constant supplies and reinforce-ments from sea. On the 4th of September 1594 the governor, Alvarode Abranches, at the head of 1,500 Portuguese and as many trusty natives, crossed over in small boats, and landing on the Korle shore, pressed on, and aided by the lucky chance of a dead; elephant blocking the gate took the fort [Details are given under Korjai. In 1590 Ismael of Ahmadnagar sustained severe defeat at the hands of the Portuguese. Waring’s Marathas, 49,]. This brilliant success raised the name of the people of Ceul high among the Portuguese. They were granted the right to choose their judge or Ouveidor, and had other municipal powers conferred on them.
In spite of the decline of the Portuguese, Ceul was still prosper-ous. Its power at sea was unchallenged, its trade was great and gainful, and the city was safe from attack and full of magnificent buildings [Almost all of the buildings, were finished before the close of the sixteenth century. The chief dates are: the Castle 1524; the Cathedral, 1534; the Church of the Franciscans, 1534; the Church and convent of the Dominicans, 1549; the House of Mercy, 1550; the south face of the Town Walls, 1577; and the Church, convent, and college of Jesuits, 1580.]. Soon after the beginning of the seventeenth century Ceul was visited by the French traveller Francois Pyrard (1601-1608 [In 1599 Foulke Grevil in his Memoir mentions Choule as one of the five kingdoms of Malabar. Bruce’s Annals, I. 125.]). He described the town and fortress of Portuguese Ceul as quite different from Daman and Bassein, because the country was extremely rich, abounding in valuable goods, which merchants from all parts of India and the east, chiefly Hindus and idolators, came to seek. The climate was healthy and living was cheap. Portuguese Ceul was very strong, and Upper Ceul was a great centre of manufacture with very deft and hard working craftsmen who made a great number of chests and chinese-like cabinets very rich and well wrought, and beds and couches lacquered in all colours. There was also a great weaving industry, abundance of beautiful cotton fabrics, and a still more important manufacture of silk, far better than China silk, that supplied both the Indian and Goa markets, where it was highly appreciated and made into fine clothing [Viagen de Francisco Pyrard, Nova Goa, 1862, II. 227. About this time Keel-ing, captain of the third voyage of the East India Company, heard at Socotra that Chaul was a good safe port and a rich trading town. Kerr, VIII. 208.]. On the fall of Ahmadnagar in 1600 upper Ceul passed to the Emperor Akbar and was called Mamale Mortezabad. Three years later Malik Ambar regained the bulk of the Ahmadnagar dominions for the young king, Murtuza Nizam Shah II. But his power did not pass within sixteen miles of Ceul. The Muhammedan city remained for some years longer in the hands of a governor or malik, who held it from the Moghal [Briggs’ Ferisht
a, III. 315; Viagen de Francisco Pyrard, II. 227; Voyage de Francois Pyrard, II. 165, 166.]. Pyrard describes the Prince or Malik of Musalman Ceul as a good friend to the Portuguese, very strong and famous, with a great number of elephants. When he wished to eat he summoned a number of beautiful women, some of whom sang and played, while others took a piece of coloured cloth and tore it into shreds, each taking a shred and wearing it as a sash After these pleasures the Prince made them all withdraw and set himself to sleep by deeply meditating on the emptiness and uncertainty of life.
In the beginning of the seventeenth century the effect of the passing of the rule of the sea from the Portuguese to the Dutch was soon felt at Ceul. In 1609 the governor of Upper Ceul was bold enough to fit a fleet of thirty padavs to cruise against the Portuguese, and in 1611 some Musalman outlaws found their way into Ceul, and murdered the Captain, Baltazar Rebello d’ Almeide. In 1612, in revenge for the injury done to their fleet near Surat, a Moghal force laid waste the country round Ceul, besieged the town, and had to be fought off at considerable cost. The succession of Ruy Freire d’ Andrade, a judicious and popular Governor, for a time repaired the fortunes of Ceul, and two favourable treaties were made with the Moghal and with Nizam Shah. During this time Malik Ambar had succeeded in regain-ing Upper Ceul. In 1615 a treaty of friendship was concluded with the Portuguese, and promises passed that neither the English nor the Dutch should be allowed to settle at Ceul. In January 1617 the treaty was renewed, and it was agreed that the gardens between the towns should belong to the Portuguese [O. Chronista de Tissuary, IV. 6-7.].
A few years later the Italian traveller, Pietro Delia Valle, twice visited Ceul, in March-April 1623 and in November-December 1625. He described the entrance as commanded on the right by the famous hill known as II Morro de Chaul or the hill of Ceul, which had originally been a Musalman fort and since its capture had been greatly strengthened by the Portuguese. Inside of the rock the river wound among hills and between low shores. Near the city it formed a safe roomy port with deep water so close to bank that from a small galley you could step a shore by a gang-way[Viaggi di Pietro Delia Valle, Venice 1667, part III. pp. 133, 136.]. Of the fortifications or of the size and condition of the town Delia Valle gives little information. He notices that the Cathedral in the south-east corner of the Portuguese settlement was not enclosed within the walls. The Portuguese were still on friendly terms with Nizam Shah and his governor Malik Ambar, the rulers of Upper Ceul. But the sea was infested by Malabar pirates who crowded round the mouth of the Ceul river in such numbers that even Portuguese ships of war were afraid to face them [The Italian traveller Gemelli Careri (1695) has the following note on the Malabar pirates or Malabars as they were generally called. These pirates who belong to several nations, Moors, Gentiles, Jews, and Christians, fall upon all they meet with a great number of boats full of men. They live under several monarchs in the country that stretches from Mount Delhi in the south of Kanara, to Madras-apatam. They take poor passengers, and, lest they should have swallowed their gold, give them a potion, which makes them digest all they have in their bodies, which done they search the stinking excrements to find the precious metal. Churchill’s Voyages IV. 201.]. Ceul had lately (1623) suffered a severe blow by the destruction of Portuguese power at Ormuz. Delia Valle gives no details about the trade of the port, but has passing reference to fleets of small vessels from Goa and Bassein and larger vessels from the Persian Gulf[Viaggi, III. 409.].
On the 2nd of December 1625 Delia Valle went to see the town of the Moors subject to Nizam Shah and his officer Malik Ambar. It was called Chaul de Riba or Upper Ceul. There were two ways of going from Portuguese to Musalman Ceul. One way was by and along a beautiful road between palm-trees, meadows, and forests of fruit trees; but this was long way round to the market and more thickly built parts of Musalman Ceul. The other way was across a tongue of water that ran inland from the main creek. At high tide it was easy to pass in a canoe or almadia dug out of a single piece of timber. At low tide you had to cross on men’s shoulders who were stationed there for the purpose and were called Horses. The market was on the further shore of this water. Close to the market the ground was thickly peopled by Musalmans and Hindus, but chiefly by Hindus. There were many shops where could be had all the necessaries of life, country cloth, and fine muslins, and other articles which came to Ceul from many parts of the interior. Beyond the neighbourhood of the market and the shop the houses were scattered, surrounded by gardens or rather groves of palms and other fruit trees. The trees were tall and handsome, covering beautiful wide roads with delightful shade. At a little distance from the market was a large pound surrounded by flights of stone steps and called the Nave Nagher pond; Taule Nave Nagher. The Musalman quarter was close to the market along the river bank. There they had mosques, hot baths which the Hindus did not use as they washed in the ponds in the sight of all, graveyards, a custom house, a court of justice or divan, and all other Government buildings. Most of the Hindus lived at some distance from the market among the trees. They had several temples, one of the chief of which was dedicated to Jagadamba (the World Mother) said to be the same as Laksmi. Another temple was dedicated to Amrlesvar who was said to be the same as Mahadev, and, as in Cambay. was worshipped under the form of a Ling or a sort of a round stone. There were other temples, among them one of Narayan, but the most highly esteemed temple was one of Ramesvar far from the market wrere the thickly peopled tract being along the land route to Portuguese Ceul [Details are given below under objects.].
This was a fine temple with a large masonry pond where the people used to come to bathe and play and worship. Many women washed in the pond, some of them young and handsome, and took no pains to hide themselves from passersby. Many washermen and women also used to come to the pond and wash clothes. Between Ramesvar temple and Lower or Portuguese Ceul, the road lay through beautiful fields, gardens, and palm groves belonging to the Portuguese. It then passed close to the sea-shore where were hamlets of fishers. The country was level and very pleasant for travelling, either on foot or in carriages like those of Surat[Delia Valle stayed in Cheul from November 25th to December 17.]. At the back of Upper Ceul by the way that led to the inland parts, were some not very high hills.
In 1631, according to Portuguese accounts, Adil Khan of Bijapur took possession of Upper Ceul, and soon after gave it to the Moghals [Chron. de Tis, I. 95.].
In 1634, Antonio Bocarro, the King’s Chronicler [O. Chron. de Tis. IV. 17-21.], described the mouth of the river as blocked with a sand-bank to the north, but with a channel to the south-east which at low water had a depth of not more than seven feet and at high water about thirteen feet and a half[Seven feet is eight to nine palms, the palm being either nine or ten inches, the Portuguese inch being larger than the English inch. Thirteen and a half feet is three brasses of eighteen palms each. This makes the brass about four feet; in other passages the brass is six feet or a fathom. Dr. G. Da Cunha.]. Inside of the bar there was depth and room for many barks to enter without fear of damage. Portuguese Ceul was surrounded by a wall with nine bastions four of them with redoubts (revezes). The northern suburbs were also able to defend themselves.
The commandant of the fort lived in an enclosure with dressed stone walls in which also was the jail. Besides the citadel there were 200 Portuguese and fifty Native Christian
houses, good upper storied buildings of stone and mortar. Each of these families had one slave able to carry arms. Formerly there had been more slaves, but they had fled to the land of the Moors [Probably from fear of the Inquisition. The Jesuits were then all-powerful in Cheul]. Outside the walls, in some coco gardens and plantations, were 500 married men of black Christians and Gentiles. Some of them were skilled craftsmen and others were Caudris who went up palm-trees and took the fruit; these had greatly helped the Portuguese in their wars with the Musalmans. In the city were two magazines, a state magazine and a city magazine, with stores of powder, balls. and other munitions, enough for any trouble, and to spare for Goa and all other cities. The State establishment in Ceul included the Captain, a European nobleman, with a sergeant and eight privates and two torch-bearers, a factor who was also sea-sheriff and commissary-general with four messengers and a torch-bearer, a factor’s clerk, a judge, a police superintendent with six constables, a master of the watch, a magistrate with six messengers, a jailor, a porter, a high constable, and six bombardiers. Inside the walls of Ceul were seven religious buildings, the Cathedral, the Hospital or Misericordia, the Jesuit church of St. Paul’s and the Jesuit monastery, and the churches and monasteries of the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians. Outside of the walls were three churches, the church of St. Sebastian, the parish church of St. John, and a Capuchin church of the Mother of God. Towards the support of these religious establishments the king paid about Rs. 2,448, (Xeraphins 4,897) a year [The details are to the seven religious buildings inside the walls, the Cathedral Rs. 260, the House of Mercy Rs. 283, the King’s hospital Rs. 333, the Jesuit’s monstry Rs. 420, the Augustinian’s Rs. 250, the Franciscan’s Rs. 185, and the; Domican’s Rs. 513. To the three churches without the walls, Rs. 132, St. John’s Rs. 60, St. Sebastian’s Rs. 60, and the Mother of God Rs. 12.].
Against expenses amounting to about Xeraphins 13,882 there was a revenue of about Xeraphins 70,000 chiefly from taxes on foreign merchants, shroffage and brokerage, excise duties on opium, tobacco and spirits, and the tribute of Upper Ceul [The details were from Ormuz and Cambav merchants Rs. 1,400 (Patakoes 700) opium Rs. 1,120 (Patakoes 560) markets Rs.670 (Patakoes 325), brokerage and measuring Rs. 6,000 (Patakoes 3,300) tobacco Rs. 19.226 (Patakoes 9,613) spirits Rs. 2,000 (Patakoes 1,000) and tribute from Upper Cheul Rs. 4,650 (Larines 28 000). O. Chron. de. Tis IV. 17-21.]. The finances were not nourishing. The Upper Ceul tribute of Rs. 4,650 was badly paid. The Moghals had taken most of the kingdom of the Malik, that is, of Malik Ambar the Ahmadnagar minister, and as the Ceul people had revolted, there was no one from whom the Portuguese could recover their tribute. The other revenues were also failing: trade was declining and the Dutch were masters of the sea. It was proposed to introduce fresh customs rates estimated to yield a yearly revenue of Xera-phins 25,000. This after meeting Xeraphins 13,882 the cost of Ceul and of the Korlai garrison, would leave a balance of Xeraphins 27,716 to be sent to Goa’ [O. Chron. de Tis. IV. 35.] Unlike the Portuguese of Daman and Bassein, whose wealth was almost all in land, the Portuguese of Ceul lived by trade and shipping. The chief ports to which the vessels of Ceul traded were, besides the Portuguese settlements, Cambay in Gujarat, Maskat and Basrah in the Persian Gulf, Mozambique in East Africa, Manilla in the Philippine Islands, and Chinese ports. The chief articles of trade were fine goldbordered Deccan cloth for which there was much demand in Persia, glass beads, iron, silk, rice, wheat and vegetables[O. Chron. de Tis. III. 221.]. As far as weather went their small trading craft or row-boats might have traded with Cambay at any time during the fair season. But the sea was so infested by pirates that Ceul vessels never sailed except in large companies and under the escort of ships-of-war. They did not make more than two voyages in the season. To Cambay they took cocoanuts, betelnuts, cinnamon, pepper. and all the other drugs of the south, cloves, nutmeg and mace, besides such Chinese products as pao the great bamboo, porcelain, and tutenag. From Cambay they brought cotton cloth, opium, and indigo. They also traded with Maskat and Basrah, leaving Ceul at any time between October and the end of April, and returning generally in September and October, or in March, April and May [This is for Daman which he savs is the same as Cheul. O. Chron. de Tis, III. 196.]. The vessels were pinnaces or pataxos and galliots. They took rice, Cambay cloth, cocoanuts, and cocoa kernels, and brought horses, almonds, and dates. To Mozambique a pinnace went every January laden with Cambay cloth, black kanakins, and a great quantity of glass beads from the Deccan or Bala Ghat. It brought back ivory, gold and Kafir slaves. The export, of glass beads yields a high profit and was a monopoly of the captain of Ceul. To China there went Cambay cloth, linch, almonds and raisins from Maskat frankincense and pucho [Pucho, better known as Putchuk, is the fragrant rcot of the Aucklandia costus which is exported from Calcutta and Bombay to China, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf where it is used as a medicine and as incense. The plant is a native of Kashmir and was well known to the Greeks and Romans as Kostus (Sanskrit Kushta). The author of the Periplus (A. D. 247) calls it by that name and notices that it was exported both from Barbarikon on the Indus and through Ujjain from Barygaza or Broach. (McCrindle’s Periplus, 20,122). It probably went to Rome as both Propertius (B. C. 51) and Horace (B. C. 651 B C. G) notice kostus as a valuable incense (Balfour’s Encyclopaedia of India, IV. 739). In 1583 Linschot (Navigation, 135) identifies pucho with kostus and notices that pucho is a Malay word. He says that it came to Cambay from Sitor and Mandor, apparently Chitor and Mandu in Malwa, where it was probably brought, as to Ujjain in earlier times, from Kashmir and the Indus Valley, From Cambay it was exported to Malacca and China. In the beginning of the present century Milburn (Oriental Commerce, I. 290) notices putchuk as an article sent in large quantities from Western India to China. The plant, Aucklandia costus, of which putcho or putchok is the root, has been identified by Drs. Boyle and Falconer. Balfour’s Encyclopaedia, IV 738-739, Yule’s Marco Polo, II. 332. ] and a Cambay wood that served for many purposes, and to Manilla, besides the articles sent to China much wheat Hour and iron. This iron came in large quantities to Ceul from the Deccan. It was so thick that it served for heavy articles such as anchor, the small guns called falcons, and for nails. The time for starting for Manilla and China was between the end of March and the end of May [O. Chron. de Tis. IV. 33.].
Upper Ceul, on the mainland about a quarter of a league east of Portuguese Ceul, was a city of the Moors without walls of fortifications. There were about 3,000 fighting men, many of them Moors. The chief craftsmen were silk-weavers who made silks of all kinds. There were also cabinet makers and makers of inlaid work [O. Chron. de Tis. IV. 35.].
Shortly after this (1636) in concluding a treaty of peace with the king of Bijapur, the Moghal Emperor handed over all the Ahmadnagar possessions in the Konkan. Upper Ceul did not long remain under Bijapur. About ten years later (1648) Sivaji overran the Kohkan, and though in 1655 he had to give up his conquests, he soon recovered them, and by 1672 had reduced Musalman Ceul to ruin and finally taken possession of it [Elphinstone’s History, 566. In 1666 Thevenot (Voyages, V. 243-9) describes Cheul as hard to enter but very safe, sheltered from every kind of weather. The town was pretty and defended by a strong citadel on the top of a hill called by the Europeans II Morrode Ciaul. Ogilby’s (Atlas, V. 243) account (1670) is taken from Varthema (1503) who d
escribed it as a country yielding everything except raisins,, nuts, and chestnuts,and with numerous oxen, cows, and horses.]. Mean-while, by the decay of Portuguese power and the establishment of the English at Bombay (1666) Portuguese Ceul had lost almost all its trade and wealth. In 1674 Oxenden, the English ambassador to Sivaji at Raygad, stopped at Ceul, but as he arrived during the night he could not enter the Portuguese city as the gates were shut and a watch set. He passed the night in the small church of St. Sebastian’s in the suburbs. Next afternoon about three he went to Upper Ceul, a town belonging to the Raja, that is, to Sivaji. In former times this city had been a great mart of all Deccan commodities, but it was totally ruined in the late wars between the Moghals and Sivaji whose arms had plundered and laid it waste. Still it was the seat of a Maratha Subhedar, a person of quality, who commanded Nagothana, Pen, Thal and the other countries opposite Bombay [Fryer’s New Account, 77.]. As late as 1668 the weavers of Ceul are mentioned as making 5,000 pieces of taffaties a year [Bruce’s Annals, II, 241.]. The want of security at Ceul was of great ad-vantage to Bombay. Efforts were made to induce the silk-weavers and the other skilled craftsmen of Ceul to settle in Bombay: the first street in Bombay was built to receive them; and their des-cendents of several castes, coppersmiths, weavers, and carpenters are still in Bombay, known as Cevulis, thus preserving the correct name of their old home. In 1681, Upper Ceul was pillaged by the Sidi, and Sambhaji, enraged that the Portuguese had made no effort to stop him, attacked Portuguese Ceul, but was powerless against its strong guns and walls[Bruce’s Annals, II. 60.]. Not daunted by the failure, he constructed a fort which came to be known as Rajkot and at the same time assembled a fleet to protect the place from enemy’s attack. In spite of his efforts the Portuguese succeeded in landing reinforcements, and, on Decem-ber 24, 1683, Sambhaji had to raise the siege. In 1694 some of the Portuguese were driven out of the open country by the Moghal army, and forced to seek shelter in Ceul. It was enclosed by good walls and other works and furnished with excellent cannon, but it had lost its trade and was miserably poor [Hamilton’s New Account, I. 243, and Gemelli Careri (1695) in Churchill’s Voyages, IV. 200. Hamilton notices that it had, formerly been a noted place of trade especially for fine embroidered quilts.]. In spite of its poverty, the constant danger of a Maratha attack forced the Portuguese to strengthen their fortifications and maintain an efficient garrison. The report of Andre Ribeiro Countinho, who in 1728 made an official inspection of Portuguese Ceul, shows that since 1634 the fortifications had been so improved as to be practically rebuilt, and, except that the sea bad caused some damage to the west face, the works were in excellent order. Ceul was the most considerable fort in the province of the north. In shape it was fifteen sided and had eleven bastions and four outworks. It was armed by fifty-eight three to forty pounder guns besides pedrciors which threw stone shot. The garrison consisted of three companies of sixty-two men each. These were nominally soldiers but there were many fishing boat captains, palm-tappers, and artillery-men who were paid Rs. 2 (Xeraphins 4) a month and ranked as soldiers. The rich well-peopled suburb to the north of the town-wall had been strengthened by an outwork armed with nineteen guns and garrisoned by two companies of the same style of men as the fort garrison. There were also 234 Bhandari or palm-tapper soldiers, deserving men who had shown the greatest bravery in the late war with Angres [O. Chron, de Tis. (1866) I. 35, 59.].
When Bassein fell to the Marathas in 1739 the Portuguese were unable to hold Ceul. They offered Ceul and Korlai fort to the English, who, though they had been unfriendly before the siege of Bassein. had helped the Portuguese with money during the siege, and, at considerable expense, had maintained the Bassein garrison during the rains of 1739 in Bombay. The English had no troops to garrison Ceul, but they accepted the Portuguese offer, trusting by the cession of those places to gain the goodwill of the Marathas, and hoping to be able to arrange terms between the Marathas and the Portuguese. The Portuguese placed their interests in the hands of the English, and though the Marathas were exacting and demanded extreme concessions, it was arranged, mainly through the efforts of the Anglo-Portuguese representative Captain Inchbird, that the Marathas should leave the Goa district of Salsette, and that, till they left, Ceul should be held by the Portuguese. The articles of peace were signed on the October 14, 1740, and Ceul was finally given over to the Marathas in November when all Christians who could afford to move went to Goa [Bombay Quarterly Review, IV. 87-88, Da Cunha’s Chaul and Bassein, 71′ Low’s Indian Navy, I. 112.].
Under the Marathas, Ceul in no way regained its former importance. In 1750 Tieffenthaler calls it Tschaul and notices it as a city and fortress once Portuguese, that went to the Marathas in 1739 [Description Historique et Geographique de 1′ Inde, I. 412.]. About the same time Gross notices that there was a Dutch factory at Ceul[Voyage, I. 305.]. In April 1777 a French ship came to Ceul with Chevalier de St. Lubin. He received a handsome escort and went to Poona where he was well treated. The ship’s loading, consisting of artillery, fire-arms, copper, and cloth, was landed at Ceul, and the French were allowed free use of the port [Account of Bombay (1781), 116, 120.]. In 1778 (19th January) it was further agreed that the French should hold Ceul, that they might introduce troops and artillery [Account of Bombay, 143. In Bombay much uneasiness was caused by this cession of Cheul to the French. That the treaty was no light affair appears from Nana Fadnis’ letter, dated 13th May 1778, in which he procured the French alliance ‘to punish a nation who had raised an insolent head and whose measure of injustice was full’. St. Lubin was promised an estate in the Deccan, and the French were to, get 20 lakhs and 10 ships, and, if they attacked Bombay, Rs. 20 lakhs more.]. Even as late as 1781 Upper Ceul-is called a considerable seaport [Account of Bombay, 23.], and in 1786 negotiations were renewed for its transfer to the French[ Grant Duff’s Marathas 399].